http://udn.com/NEWS/OPINION/OPI1/7820443.shtml
鐵娘子：雜貨商之女走過世界舞台
【聯合報╱社論】
不論喜歡她或不喜歡她的人，都無法不承認柴契爾夫人是一個影響深遠的世界級領袖。她鼓吹自由經濟，大力推動民營化，反對無謂的補貼，削減公共支出，以鐵腕引領世界風騷。即使遠如台灣，當時也被這股思潮席捲，邁開了國際化、自由化的旅程。
如果不是柴契爾十二年執政所推動的改革，倫敦不可能取得今天全球金融中心的地位，英國經濟仍將陷於勞資對抗、貧富懸殊的困境，英格蘭的天空仍將在老舊製造業的煙塵籠罩下一片灰濛濛。「鐵娘子」已離開首相職位廿多年，但她留下的巨大改變，在她辭世之後回顧，已被時間洗練得愈顯清晰。
這位半世紀來最出色的英國首相，出身只是一個小鎮雜貨商的女兒。她在家中薰染了父親的誠實和正直，在小鎮看到了勤奮的公民，在雜貨店培養了務實的經濟觀。這些經驗，使她和那些出身貴族階級、受菁英教育的英國統治者不同，她沒有貴族階級的原罪感和教養包袱，所以能以不一樣的眼光看待「英國病」，並向糾纏英國卅年的工會抗爭痛下鐵腕對付。她的作法，讓保守黨的同志都大驚失色。
柴契爾的對手，常把她形容為「毫無同情心」的獨斷獨行領袖。她在擔任教育部長時下令取消國小學童的免費牛奶，引來「牛奶掠奪者」之譏；在擔任首相時推動民營化造成失業率大增，被工會描繪為「盲目首相」。但回顧當時英國所面臨的政經及社會困境，如果不是一個篤信而決斷的首相堅決推動，國家轉型的動力恐將無以為繼，英國也不會是今天這般模樣。從這個角度看，「沒有同情心」的指控，恐怕也不能那麼簡單解讀了。
國家領導人的領導模式大致可分為幾類：一是有明確目標，並站在前面揮軍衝刺，堅定不移前進；二是站在前方揮刀喊衝，心中其實沒有確定的價值或方向，只是裝模作樣；三是既沒有方向感，又不敢站在前線喊衝，只能隨著社會氛圍忽東忽西。柴契爾的領導，應該屬於第一類。
就連對她頗多批評的英國左派媒體都說，柴契爾最大的「美德」，就是不那麼在乎人民喜不喜歡她。她推動自由化和民營化政策，造成經濟權力和所有權的大量移轉，這實在是冒著個人失去政治生命的風險逆勢而為。在這個過程中，柴契爾展現了相當一貫的信念：「只有個體獲得自由，國家才能變得偉大」；而她推動的制度改革，也一直朝向「使個人有權主導自己的生命」的主題前進。尤其，柴契爾任內十二年，人們沒看到她露出過什麼私心私欲，或者親信傳出什麼醜聞。
作為英國唯一的女首相，柴契爾比起她前前後後的多位首相都要更受世界矚目。這不僅是因為她的果決，而是她在改革時所宣揚的那些簡單而中肯的道理，比起各種批評她的滔滔雄辯都要更切近庶民的事理。包括她喜歡引用的林肯名言：「你不可能因把強者變弱，就讓弱者變強」、「你不可能拉下付薪水的人，卻以為可以幫助受薪者」，都是這位雜貨商的女兒從生活實踐中體驗而得的生命哲學。
My comments: The original words from Lincoln: You can't make a weak man strong my making a strong man weak," and "You cannot help the wage earner by pulling down the wage payer."
柴契爾的十二年治理盛世，推動了英國經濟和社會的轉型，縮減了貧富差距。但她留給保守黨的「遺產」，卻是分裂的內部；這恐怕是「強人過後」的必然景象。包括她當年反對歐盟深化一體化的進程，導致反對聲浪四起，甚至因此下台；如今看來，是福是禍仍難斷言。無論如何，在冷戰年代的尾聲，柴契爾以其旗幟鮮明的宣示和果決的行動，幫助英國資本主義走出了進退失據的陰霾，更成功號召許多國家的追隨，甚至親善戈巴契夫而使蘇聯打開鐵幕，都是無法抹滅的光芒。
My comments: But according to the NYT editorial and my research online, Thatcher's policy widened, instead of bridging, the gap between rich and poor.
雜貨商的女兒，以鐵娘子的姿態走過世界舞台，留下如此深刻而巨大的身影，這是一頁傳奇。
*****************
http://mobile.nytimes.com/article?a=1046662&f=112&sub=Editorial
OPINION
不論喜歡她或不喜歡她的人，都無法不承認柴契爾夫人是一個影響深遠的世界級領袖。她鼓吹自由經濟，大力推動民營化，反對無謂的補貼，削減公共支出，以鐵腕引領世界風騷。即使遠如台灣，當時也被這股思潮席捲，邁開了國際化、自由化的旅程。
如果不是柴契爾十二年執政所推動的改革，倫敦不可能取得今天全球金融中心的地位，英國經濟仍將陷於勞資對抗、貧富懸殊的困境，英格蘭的天空仍將在老舊製造業的煙塵籠罩下一片灰濛濛。「鐵娘子」已離開首相職位廿多年，但她留下的巨大改變，在她辭世之後回顧，已被時間洗練得愈顯清晰。
這位半世紀來最出色的英國首相，出身只是一個小鎮雜貨商的女兒。她在家中薰染了父親的誠實和正直，在小鎮看到了勤奮的公民，在雜貨店培養了務實的經濟觀。這些經驗，使她和那些出身貴族階級、受菁英教育的英國統治者不同，她沒有貴族階級的原罪感和教養包袱，所以能以不一樣的眼光看待「英國病」，並向糾纏英國卅年的工會抗爭痛下鐵腕對付。她的作法，讓保守黨的同志都大驚失色。
柴契爾的對手，常把她形容為「毫無同情心」的獨斷獨行領袖。她在擔任教育部長時下令取消國小學童的免費牛奶，引來「牛奶掠奪者」之譏；在擔任首相時推動民營化造成失業率大增，被工會描繪為「盲目首相」。但回顧當時英國所面臨的政經及社會困境，如果不是一個篤信而決斷的首相堅決推動，國家轉型的動力恐將無以為繼，英國也不會是今天這般模樣。從這個角度看，「沒有同情心」的指控，恐怕也不能那麼簡單解讀了。
國家領導人的領導模式大致可分為幾類：一是有明確目標，並站在前面揮軍衝刺，堅定不移前進；二是站在前方揮刀喊衝，心中其實沒有確定的價值或方向，只是裝模作樣；三是既沒有方向感，又不敢站在前線喊衝，只能隨著社會氛圍忽東忽西。柴契爾的領導，應該屬於第一類。
就連對她頗多批評的英國左派媒體都說，柴契爾最大的「美德」，就是不那麼在乎人民喜不喜歡她。她推動自由化和民營化政策，造成經濟權力和所有權的大量移轉，這實在是冒著個人失去政治生命的風險逆勢而為。在這個過程中，柴契爾展現了相當一貫的信念：「只有個體獲得自由，國家才能變得偉大」；而她推動的制度改革，也一直朝向「使個人有權主導自己的生命」的主題前進。尤其，柴契爾任內十二年，人們沒看到她露出過什麼私心私欲，或者親信傳出什麼醜聞。
作為英國唯一的女首相，柴契爾比起她前前後後的多位首相都要更受世界矚目。這不僅是因為她的果決，而是她在改革時所宣揚的那些簡單而中肯的道理，比起各種批評她的滔滔雄辯都要更切近庶民的事理。包括她喜歡引用的林肯名言：「你不可能因把強者變弱，就讓弱者變強」、「你不可能拉下付薪水的人，卻以為可以幫助受薪者」，都是這位雜貨商的女兒從生活實踐中體驗而得的生命哲學。
My comments: The original words from Lincoln: You can't make a weak man strong my making a strong man weak," and "You cannot help the wage earner by pulling down the wage payer."
柴契爾的十二年治理盛世，推動了英國經濟和社會的轉型，縮減了貧富差距。但她留給保守黨的「遺產」，卻是分裂的內部；這恐怕是「強人過後」的必然景象。包括她當年反對歐盟深化一體化的進程，導致反對聲浪四起，甚至因此下台；如今看來，是福是禍仍難斷言。無論如何，在冷戰年代的尾聲，柴契爾以其旗幟鮮明的宣示和果決的行動，幫助英國資本主義走出了進退失據的陰霾，更成功號召許多國家的追隨，甚至親善戈巴契夫而使蘇聯打開鐵幕，都是無法抹滅的光芒。
My comments: But according to the NYT editorial and my research online, Thatcher's policy widened, instead of bridging, the gap between rich and poor.
雜貨商的女兒，以鐵娘子的姿態走過世界舞台，留下如此深刻而巨大的身影，這是一頁傳奇。
*****************
http://mobile.nytimes.com/article?a=1046662&f=112&sub=Editorial
OPINION
EDITORIAL
Margaret Thatcher, Prime Minister
By THE EDITORIAL BOARDPublished: April 09, 2013Margaret Thatcher, who died of a stroke on Monday at age 87, transformed Britain more thoroughly than any other prime minister of the past half-century. She was a pathbreaker from the moment she took office in 1979 as Britain's first, and so far only, female prime minister. And she was the rare conservative leader to come not from the upper echelons of Britain's class-obsessed society, but from a modest apartment above her father's grocery.But much more than that distinguished the 11 years of Mrs. Thatcher's government, which followed years of tepid leadership, economic stagnation and high inflation. She tamed the power of Britain's once powerful labor movement by shutting down inefficient coal mines and privatizing state-owned industries. She encouraged an entrepreneurial culture that had grown timid and somnolent. With her powerful, plain-spoken approach to issues large (like Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait) and relatively small (the brief war over the Falkland Islands), she reawakened Britain's taste for military engagement.In the process, she revived policy debates among political parties that had grown too comfortable with safe consensus mumbling. As she pushed the conservatives to the right, she pushed the Labour Party to the center. Without Mrs. Thatcher, there probably would have been no Tony Blair.
She had many critics, and her record was not all triumphal. Eventually, Mrs. Thatcher's relentless negativism on the European Union and her bullying style of leadership pushed her own party to drive her from office in 1990. Over the intervening years, much of the glow has faded from Mrs. Thatcher's economic achievements.
The capitalist revival she sparked did not slow the over-financialization and deindustrialization of the economy, with clear and negative consequences in the 2008 financial crash. Her weakening of the unions also led to a regressively skewed distribution of wealth and, her critics said, a widening gap between rich and poor.
Arguably, Mrs. Thatcher's popular military successes made it easier for Mr. Blair to carelessly and recklessly follow George W. Bush into Iraq. But Mrs. Thatcher knew how to stand up to Ronald Reagan when she needed to - for example, over the ill-considered United States invasion of Grenada.
She was one of the first Western leaders to recognize the reformist intentions of Mikhail Gorbachev, showed remarkable foresight on the dangers of climate change, and in general managed Britain's global role more deftly than her successors.
Mrs. Thatcher was, without a doubt, a divisive political figure in her day. The passage of time has drained much of the old anger and left behind her record of accomplishments.
She had many critics, and her record was not all triumphal. Eventually, Mrs. Thatcher's relentless negativism on the European Union and her bullying style of leadership pushed her own party to drive her from office in 1990. Over the intervening years, much of the glow has faded from Mrs. Thatcher's economic achievements.
The capitalist revival she sparked did not slow the over-financialization and deindustrialization of the economy, with clear and negative consequences in the 2008 financial crash. Her weakening of the unions also led to a regressively skewed distribution of wealth and, her critics said, a widening gap between rich and poor.
Arguably, Mrs. Thatcher's popular military successes made it easier for Mr. Blair to carelessly and recklessly follow George W. Bush into Iraq. But Mrs. Thatcher knew how to stand up to Ronald Reagan when she needed to - for example, over the ill-considered United States invasion of Grenada.
She was one of the first Western leaders to recognize the reformist intentions of Mikhail Gorbachev, showed remarkable foresight on the dangers of climate change, and in general managed Britain's global role more deftly than her successors.
Mrs. Thatcher was, without a doubt, a divisive political figure in her day. The passage of time has drained much of the old anger and left behind her record of accomplishments.
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